Showing posts with label United States Supreme Court. Show all posts
Showing posts with label United States Supreme Court. Show all posts

Sunday, March 2, 2014

Undermining The Constitution A HISTORY OF LAWLESS GOVERNMENT Part V

The United States Supreme Court.
The United States Supreme Court. (Photo credit: Wikipedia)
By Thomas James Norton

FOLLOWING THE INCOME-TAX AMENDMENT IN 1918, THE NEXT VIOLENCE TO CONSTITUTIONAL PRINCIPLE WAS UNDERTAKEN IN 1916 BY A SOCIALIST-MINDED GROUP SEEKING TO BREAK DOWN THE TENTH AMENDMENT AND HAVE WASHINGTON ASSUME POLICE POWER IN THE STATES OVER PERSONS UNDER THE AGE OF 18 YEARS
As late as 1916, when the attempt at undermining the States by transgressing the Tenth Amendment was undertaken by a very formidable and persistent aggregation of forces, the assailants were three times hurled back in a battle which lasted twelve years. But the contest was close.
The Judiciary in defense of the Constitution
Congress passed two unconstitutional bills and the President, presumably advised by the Attorney General, signed them. Constitutional government, and the Tenth Amendment particularly, were saved by the Supreme Court.
Under the direction of the American translator of the writings of the patriarchs of Communism, Karl Marx and
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Friedrich Engels, there was begun in 1916 an extraordinary attempt to break down the constitutional structure of the United States and thereby curtail the liberties of the American.
This woman pushed a bill through Congress which would forbid the moving in interstate commerce of manufactured articles into the making of which the work of persons under the age of 18 years had entered. The ostensible idea was to protect the young from oppression by ruthless employers and uncivilized fathers and mothers who were taking wages from the servitude of their children. From the strident propaganda that was organized and turned loose, a stranger just arriving on the planet would conclude that parenthood on the Earth was covetous wickedness itself.
Strategy of Communism in 1916
According to the "Woman Patriot," a paper then published in the City of Washington, the promoter of the Child Labor Law had boasted that in her legislative drives she never let appear on the front of the movement the real intent of the propagandists. That is the basic strategy of Communism. The Child Labor Act had no relation to child labor, because there was in objectionable volume no such thing. After the census of 1920 the Department of Labor made a boastful report to the effect that since the taking of the last decennial census so many laws of States had lengthened the months of school required; had set such severe conditions for a youth to qualify for work during vacation, had so completely forbidden work by minors in theatres and like places and prohibited working with


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dangerous machinery, that the so-called child-labor evil had been all but wiped out.
But even had the States been delinquent in the exercise of their police power to guard the health, education and welfare of childhood, that could not have conferred power on Congress to assume jurisdiction. It had no place in the field of the States. It has been shown from authorities that the States cannot abdicate their police powers and that Congress cannot take them over.
Had there been a child-labor evil -- and there was none of magnitude -- it was for the people at home to make their legislatures take police action.
But, as before said, the "ballyhoo" was so overwhelming and ceaseless that many good but uninformed people were taken off their feet, and they gave way to tears for the American child so victimized by his greedy and heartless parents.
No child-labor problem in 1916
There being no child-labor problem to solve, it is manifest that the undertaking was to remove the youth of the land away from the police control of the States -- as the National Labor Relations Act, 19 years later, removed all workers -- children and adults -- of the country out of local jurisdiction -- and transfer authority over them to the central Government at Washington. Making the central Government top-heavy would cause it in time to collapse of its own weight, and the collapse of the finest specimen of Government securing liberty and property has been the object of Communism for many years.


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Governor Roosevelt denounced misuse of Commerce Clause
The use of the Commerce Clanse of the Constitution to bolster the act of Congress was one of those lawlessnesses which Governor Franklin D. Roosevelt of New York denounced in the strongest terms. And when he became President he broke all records in promoting this sort of legislative malpractice!
Why did men representing the people of the States in Congress vote for a bill by which the Nation would usurp power not granted to it by the Constitution, and the States would lose by abandonment powers inherent in them for the care and protection of youth?
Why did a President with an Attorney General to advise him sign such a bill? What is an Attorney General for?
Congress could not by its act gather to itself police power over "the health, morals, safety, education and general well-being of the people." Nor could the States surrender their local police sovereignty to Washington. That was decided (219 U. S. 270) in 1911 by the Supreme Court of the United States.
Of course, when an employer and a father both attacked the act as against liberty, the Supreme Court in 1918 held (247 V. S. 251) that, although it pretended to be a regulation of commerce between the States, it was in reality a seizure from the States of their police power, in violation of the Tenth Amendment, and therefore unconstitutional.
Did that stop the constitutional illiterates representing the States in the Congress in their push to degrade their commonwealths?
No.


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Congress shifted from Commerce Clause to Taxing Clause
In 1919 Congress passed a Child Labor Tax Act and the President signed it, presumably with the approval of the Attorney General By that enactment a destructive tax was placed on the product of child labor, so heavy that the manufacturer could not sell the goods in competition with other makers. The Commerce Clause having failed to support the other act, Congress resorted to the Taxing Clause.
But when a citizen affected by the legislation attacked it, the Supreme Court in 1922 held (259 U. S. 20) that as the tax imposed was intended to prevent the manufacture by youth, it would also put an end thereby to the revenue, for which reason it could not be treated as a revenue act. It was palpably another lawless attempt by Congress to take from under the police power of the States the supervision and protection of youth.[1]
Neither did that decision stop the constitutional illiterates of the States in Congress in their determination -- or in the determination of the Communist-minded and unschooled sentimentalists who were lashing them -- to weaken their commonwealths and enlarge the central Government.
The energy and fury behind this movement of Communism, supported by weeping women and educators, was frightening.
1. This decision by Chief Justice Taft, that a pretended tax law which is not for revenue is unconstitutional and fraudulent, disposes of the preposterous proposition of President Franklin D. Roosevelt to Congress, namely, that taxes be made so heavy as to permit no income above $25,000 a year, and that all incomes be prevented from being "too high."
It also disposes of several poorly considered dicta of "progressive" judges, that taxes may be levied for regulatory and punitive purposes.


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Members of Congress make third effort to degrade their States
Having failed twice in "dashing itself against the imprisoning walls of the Constitution," as Bryce described our legislative body, Congress proposed in 1924 an amendment to the Fundamental Law which would empower it to prohibit labor throughout the United States of persons under the age of 18 years.
It was immediately rejected by enough legislative bodies in the States to defeat it, but every time new legislatures were elected the promoters again urged adoption.
During the pendency of the proposal before the legislatures of the States, 20 of them repeatedly rejected it, in Massachusetts 8 times, in New York 7 times, in Texas and South Dakota 6 times, and in 3 other States 5 times.
In 23 instances attempts were made in Congress to modify the resolution so as to draw in some of its reckless implications, but they were voted down -- sometimes howled down without a record vote.
When President Roosevelt took office he immediately urged legislatures to adopt it, which course was an illegal interference by the Executive with the functions of the States. It was also contrary to his declarations as Governor of New York. Some States acted as he requested; but when he telegraphed "my native State" to ratify the proposal, the legislature of New York promptly rejected it.
The rejection of the proposal by the legislatures shows that many Congressmen were as badly informed of the wishes of their constituents as they were on the Constitution.


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Peril from uneducated public opinion
What insidious and unseen power could maintain for more than a dozen years that assault on the constitutional integrity of the United States? Why was there not force enough in public opinion to check Congress in its wayward course?
It may be that the defeat which Congress suffered in 1918 in the first decision of the Supreme Court respecting Child Labor was the cause of its classing in the Revenue Act of 1919 the compensation of the judges as income subject to taxation and thereby reducing their compensation, which the Constitution forbids.
The way to cure the weakness is by requiring the schools, colleges, and universities to make everyone graduating a sound constitutional scholar.
About forty of our States have laws requiring the teaching of the Constitution of the United States in public and private schools, but in not one State is our Great Charter thoroughly taught as a separate study to the youth who are to govern the land and hold the destinies of the Republic.
Could you believe this?
To show that references herein to constitutional illiteracy are not extravagant or unjust, it is mentioned that in March, 1947, a dispatch from Washington said that a member of the House of Representatives from the great State of Illinois and a member from the great State of Louisiana introduced bills making it a felony to try to bribe an athlete. There had recently been much in print


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about crookedness in baseball and other sports. The boy or girl leaving school before reaching High, as over 16 per cent of them do (while half of the 1,700,000 leave before the end of the second year), to govern the United States and direct its destiny, should know better than that. It is an indictment of schools, colleges, and universities that members of Congress should introduce such bills. Felonies fall within the police power of the States.
The man power of Congress has undergone change
Congress has no Sumner, no Conkling, no Cameron, no Hoar, no Ingalls, no duplicates of the many old worthies -- chosen for the Senate by legislatures instead of popular vote -- with experience in taking the President by the sleeve and showing him back to his place.
When the States take back their Union they should tolerate no more weak Congresses. It is discreditable to them as governmental entities and to their people entrusted with the present and the future of the Republic that there should have been Congresses deserving of the epithet of "rubber stamp."
General and thorough constitutional education only hope
They should require that every man and woman appearing to register as a voter present a card showing membership in One Great Union, a certificate from the County Superintendent of Schools that the bearer has passed a thorough examination in writing on both the History and the Constitution of the United States. The requirement of an examination in writing would disqualify, properly, the


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illiterates who control the great cities which drag down the States. The predicament of the State with an unclean city is likened in the memoirs of Senator Hoar of Massachusetts to the eagle in Tennyson, "caught by his talons in carrion and unable to rise and soar."
It would also repair the damage done by the delinquent States which frustrated the Australian ballot[2] and gave to the political bosses in the cities for the use of their illiterates the "straight ticket" -- and too often the control of the Presidential election.
The rescue of the Union by the States and the preservation of it perpetually is that easy.
Spinsters worry about Maternity and Infancy
While the proponents of the Child Labor Acts and the proposed Child Labor Amendment drove their measures through Congress, like-minded groups "put over" in 1921 An Act for the Promotion of the Welfare and Hygiene of Maternity and Infancy, and for Other Purposes.
In a strong argument against the power of Congress to pass such a bill under the Constitution, Senator Reed of Missouri read the catalogue of the names of the women
2. The Australian ballot groups the names of all the candidates for one office in one block, all the names of candidates for another office in another block, and so on. There can be no "straight ticket." If the voter is too illiterate to find the names of those for whom he would vote, that is to the advantage of the country.
Penalties are visited upon the citizens who do not vote unless they present valid excuses. The Australian Embassy said that in 1943 the vote in the Federal election was 96.3 per cent of the electors. All the States in Australia have compulsory voting laws.
In our election in 1948 only 47,500,000 persons voted, although, according to the Bureau of the Census, there were 95,000,000 eligible to vote.
Ohio adopted in 1949 a form of ballot to put an end to the "straight ticket." That looks like sunrise.


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throughout the land leading the move toward centralism -- and not one of them was married!
The law expired by limitation in 1929 after costing the taxpayers $11,000,000. The American Medical Association reported that not one new idea was developed by the expensive experiment. It is the only legislation of the socialistic sort from which Congress eventually backed away. A constitutional amendment may some day wipe out the others.
Had the Supreme Court accepted jurisdiction of two cases brought to test the validity of this Maternity Act, instead of questioning the right of the plaintiffs (262 U. S. 447), and had it shown for permanency, after the manner of John Marshall, the line between the power of the Nation and that of the States respecting such subjects, then A Bill to Alleviate the Hazards of Old Age, Unemployment, Illness, and Dependency, to Establish a Social Insurance Board in the Department of Labor, to Raise Revenue, and for Other Purposes, along with other kindred measures of the "New Deal," might never have been attempted.
A Judiciary without statesmanship to foresee the consequences to the Republic of a decision is not what the writers of the Constitution designed.
Where the States might have been constructively busy
While the representatives of the States in Congress were passing unconstitutional bills to deprive their commonwealths of police power over youth, maternity, and infancy, and proposing an amendment which the legislatures of the States rejected, many times by some of the States, the members of the legislatures were, seemingly, so occu-


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pied at home with building debt that they, also, were at fault regarding the constitutional position and the obligations of their States.
A notable illustration of this is in their failure to take hold of the matter of divorce, a subject of police which our "centralists" have for a long time been asking Washington to regulate. It has been before the public for a quarter of a century or more, and in January, 1950, it was discussed in a meeting of workers for improved social conditions. The Committee on Uniform State Laws of the American Bar Association, which framed bills on many subjects acceptable to all the legislatures for enactment, gave this problem up.
Of course, it is a subject for the States. Massachusetts long ago settled the question for itself, and all the other States need to do is to copy the statute of Massachusetts, which was upheld (188 U. S. 14) by the Supreme Court of the United States in 1903.
How Massachusetts laid down the law
The General Court (legislature) of Massachusetts declared that a decree of divorce granted to a citizen of that State by a court of another State would be valid in Massachusetts when the foreign court should have had jurisdiction of both parties; but that when an inhabitant of Massachusetts should go to another jurisdiction for a divorce for a cause arising in Massachusetts when both parties are domiciled there, or for a cause which would not authorize a divorce in Massachusetts, a decree in such a case would have no effect in that commonwealth.
The Supreme Court of the United States held that law not repugnant to the Full Faith and Credit Clause of


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the Constitution, requiring the judicial proceedings and public acts of one State to be given effect in all others. Massachusetts was not obliged to give credit to a decree to one of its citizens when obtained against its public policy.
Wherein the decree was void
An inhabitant of Massachusetts went to South Dakota and obtained a decree of divorce in a suit in which his wife did not appear. Because the court had no jurisdiction of her the decree was of no force against her in Massachusetts. The husband returned to Massachusetts and remarried. Upon his death his first wife brought proceedings to be adjudged his widowed spouse and to be entitled to administer his estate and take his property. She won.
A similar statute of North Carolina, requiring a spouse domiciled in that State and desiring a decree of divorce, to apply to a court of North Carolina, was upheld by the Supreme Court (325 U. S. 226) in 1945, respecting decrees granted in Nevada when the applicants were not in law domiciled there. The domicile is the place where a person resides and intends to stay. Marrying in Nevada immediately after receiving decrees, the two spouses returned to North Carolina, They were arrested on the charge of bigamous cohabitation, the former spouse of each being resident in the State.
Plain cure tor laxity in divorces
So it would be a very simple undertaking for the legislatures of the States to copy the law of Massachusetts or that of North Carolina, both held constitutional.
That would bring down to earth the whole flock of


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those "birds of passage," as one court described them, who are pictured day by day at the airports taking flight for Nevada, Florida, or Mexico to get quick releases from the first, second, third, or fourth bondage.

Neglect of this subject has been one of the most censurable delinquencies of the States.

http://www.barefootsworld.net/    Thanks to the wonderful folks over at Barefoot's World.
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Tuesday, February 25, 2014

Why did the Attorney General change the Commonwealth's legal position in Bostic v. Rainey?

Girls kissing
 (Photo credit: Wikipedia)
After a thorough and comprehensive legal analysis of precedents and recent court rulings, Attorney General Herring has determined that Virginia's ban on marriage for same-sex couples is unconstitutional because it improperly denies the fundamental right to marry, which is guaranteed by the U.S. Constitution, to thousands of Virginians on the basis of their sexual orientation. The Supreme Court has consistently said that marriage is a fundamental right that the government cannot limit without a very strong reason. Because there is no sufficiently strong reason to  deny same-sex couples the right to marry, Attorney General Herring has concluded the Supreme Court would strike down Virginia's ban if it were presented with the case. For these reasons, he has notified the federal court deciding Bostic that he is changing Virginia's legal position to reflect his determination that the state's marriage ban is unconstitutional.

What are the legal precedents that led to this decision?

There is considerable Supreme Court precedent stating that marriage is a fundamental right guaranteed by the U.S. Constitution and rulings stating that the federal government cannot discriminate against same-sex couples. There are also rulings from other federal courts striking down similar same-sex-marriage bans in other states.
  • First, the Supreme Court’s 2013 decision in United States v. Windsor struck down section 3 of the federal Defense of Marriage Act.  Justice Kennedy’s opinion for the Court made clear that the Due Process Clause in the Fourteenth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution is violated by laws treating same-sex married couples as second-class citizens.  Justice Scalia’s dissent also made clear that the Court’s rationale would justify invalidating State bans on same-sex marriage.  I agree with that assessment.
  • Second, the Supreme Court’s 2003 decision in Lawrence v. Texas made clear that laws criminalizing homosexual conduct were unconstitutional, regardless of how such activity may traditionally have been viewed.  Justice Scalia predicted then that the decision would justify invalidating laws that ban same-sex marriage.
  • Finally, the Supreme Court has repeatedly held that the right to marriage -- not a particular kind of marriage -- is fundamental:  

    • In Loving v. Virginia, the Supreme Court upheld the right to marriage, not the right to interracial marriage.
    • In Turner v. Safley, the Supreme Court upheld the right to marriage, not the right to prisoner inmate marriage.
    • In Zablocki v. Redhail, the Supreme Court upheld the right to marriage, not the right of people owing child support to marry.
As a fundamental right, the right to marriage cannot be denied unless (among other things) limiting that right serves a compelling State interest.  The reasons offered in support of Virginia’s same-sex-marriage ban do not meet even the most deferential legal standard of review, let alone this heightened scrutiny. 

Based on these precedents, among others, the Attorney General has concluded that if the Supreme Court were to be presented with the facts of this case, it follows that it would again uphold the right to marry and find the exercise of that fundamental right may not be denied to these loving couples based solely on their sexual orientation.   The two federal courts that have most recently considered this issue agreed, striking down the bans on same-sex-marriage in Utah and Oklahoma.

Is the Attorney General within his power to change the state's position?

Yes. The Attorney General is the sole person empowered to present the Commonwealth's position in legal matters and it is up to him or her to determine that position through rigorous legal analysis.

Doesn't the Attorney General have to defend the state's laws?

The Attorney General has a duty to support laws that are constitutional, and has just as strong a duty not to defend laws that he has concluded after careful and thorough analysis are unconstitutional. The Attorney General swears an oath to support the United States Constitution and the Constitution of Virginia. When a state law or part of the Virginia Constitution is in conflict with the United States Constitution, as Attorney General Herring has concluded in this case, the United States Constitution prevails because it is the supreme law of the land.

Furthermore, the Attorney General's primary client is the people of Virginia, not just state agencies. When the constitutional rights of the people of Virginia are being violated, he has a duty to protect their interests.

Have other attorneys general done things like this before?

Yes. There is precedent for an attorney general  or executive branch official refusing to defend a law that he or she has determined is unconstitutional.
  • Former Attorney General Ken Cuccinelli declined to defend the Opportunity Educational Institution, often referred to as Virginia's "school takeover bill," last year.
  • Former Attorney General Jerry Kilgore joined with 43 other State attorneys general in 2003 to argue that an attorney general is properly carrying out his constitutional duties when he seeks to invalidate a State law that he believes, in his independent judgment, to be unconstitutional.  In that brief, Kilgore and the other attorneys general  say that when the  Attorney General believes a state law "violates the constitution, he has a paramount obligation to defend the constitution he is sworn to uphold.”
  • Former Attorney General Kilgore also declined to defend a federal constitutional challenge to a provision in Virginia's constitution that prohibited the incorporation of churches and religious denominations.  That provision was struck down in the 2002 case Falwell v. Miller.
  • Justice Antonin Scalia has stated that the President can resist unconstitutional laws, saying an executive has the power “to disregard them when they are unconstitutional.”
  • In 1989, then-acting Solicitor General John Roberts, now Chief Justice of the United States Supreme Court, filed a friend-of-the-court brief declaring that the United States considered a particular law to be unconstitutional.
  • In a 1976 election-law case, then-Solicitor General Robert Bork filed two contradictory briefs, one which defended the law at issue, and another, on behalf of the Attorney General and the United States, which provided a counterargument to help the Court resolve the First Amendment questions presented.
Does this mean Virginia's same-sex marriage ban is over?
No. Virginia's ban on same-sex marriage will continue to be enforced until and unless a court or the legislature acts to end its enforcement . The State Registrar of Vital Records will continue to enforce the ban, and clerks are not legally permitted to issue marriage certificates to same-sex couples.

Does this mean the case is over?

No. Before announcing the Commonwealth's change in legal position, Attorney General Herring took steps to ensure the case could continue and the court could hear both sides of the issue.  The Circuit Court Clerks for the City of Norfolk and Prince William County remain defendants.  Lawyers for both clerks will provide a full and capable defense for the ban in court.

Does this mean Virginia's marriage ban will be undefended in court?

No. The Circuit Court Clerks of Norfolk and Prince William County are both represented by able lawyers who will make their best possible case for the marriage ban's legality. They also have a brief filed by previous Attorney General Ken Cuccinelli to assist them in their defense of the ban.

Why didn't the Attorney General appoint special counsel to defend the ban?

Special counsel is not necessary in this case because there are still two other parties  in the case, the Circuit Court Clerks for the City of Norfolk and Prince William County, who are vigorously defending the ban's legality.

Is Attorney General Herring just doing this because he thinks same-sex couples should be able to marry?

Attorney General Herring's decision to oppose Virginia's marriage ban is based on his legal analysis of the facts in this case and relevant court rulings, especially those in recent years that address this specific issue.

Our Notes:  Did these people ever hear of God's Law? Demoralization of the population.  It has nothing to do with rights from what we see.
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Friday, February 14, 2014

Undermining The Constitution A HISTORY OF LAWLESS GOVERNMENT (Part 3)

The United States Supreme Court.
The United States Supreme Court. (Photo credit: Wikipedia)
By Thomas James Norton

IN FAVOR TO POLITICIANS AND TO LABOR UNIONS, CONGRESS PURSUED ANOTHER METHOD OF ATTACK ON THE COORDINATE JUDICIAL DEPARTMENT
Another form of attack by Congress on the courts of the Constitution was in legislation directing them how to try cases.
In 1910 it passed an act forbidding the issue of an injunction against the operation of a law of a State except in a specified way.
In 1913 it passed a similar law forbidding the restraint by injunction of an order of the Interstate Commerce Commission except on conditions laid down.
And in 1932 Congress enacted the Norris-LaGuardia Act for denying injunctive relief to an employer, except under annoying conditions which might deny relief, where a labor question is involved.
Those invasions of the rights of litigants and the liberties of the American will be examined.
Constitutional Convention forbade Congressional dictation to courts
Prefatory to a discussion of the three intrusive acts of Congress mentioned, a quotation should be made from
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the record of the Constitutional Convention (Formation of the Union, p. 625) of August 27, 1787, only twenty-three days before the signing, when there was under consideration "the Judicial power":
"The following motion was disagreed to, to wit, to insert 'In all other cases before mentioned the Judicial power shall be exercised in such manner as the Legislature [The Congress] shall direct.'"
So the Constitutional Convention explicitly refused to authorize the Congress to "direct" the judicial power in any respect whatever. How Congress haslawlessly directed it, nevertheless, and how the courts have lawlessly submitted to the forbidden dictation, are to be seen.
The act of 1910 forbade the courts of the United States to grant an interlocutory injunction "restraining the enforcement ... of any statute law of a State," or of any order made thereunder by a board, "upon the ground of the unconstitutionality" of such statute, "unless the application" be "heard and determined by three judges, of whom at least one shall be a justice of the Supreme Court or a Circuit Judge, and the other two may be circuit or district judges, and unless a majority of the said three judges shall concur in granting such application."
States objected to constitutional restraints
Some of the States had felt wounds in their dignity when a citizen who believed a tax law, for example, was intended to effect what President Coolidge later termed "legalized larceny," went into a court of the United States asking a restraining order upon the officers executing the law until there could be a full hearing on evidence. In addition to that, those were field days for the alien minded


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who omitted no opportunity to "go after" the Judiciary, which Von Holst rightly called the keystone of the American arch.
Of course, the Fourteenth Amendment forbids the State to "deprive any person of life, liberty or property without due process of law." That is, he must have a hearing when he asks it before his property is taken by taxation or otherwise. It was the constitutional intent that the legislature should not take property by fiat. And that was imbedded in the Constitution 46 years before the confiscation of private property was begun by Government through the "graduated" income taxes of Communism.
Article III, establishing the Judiciary, "extends" the "judicial power" to all cases arising under the Constitution, under the laws of the United States, under treaties; to cases affecting ambassadors, other public ministers, consuls; to controversies between two or more States, between a State and citizens of another State, between citizens of different States, between a State or the citizens thereof and foreign states, citizens or subjects.
Thus, ample provision was made for the States to use the courts of the Nation. But in the foregoing recital the States are ranked as litigants on the level with ambassadors, consuls, and citizens. No thought was entertained that a State as a litigant should be regarded as any higher than a man. Why should the creature, the State, be above the man, who created it?
Preference of State against Man not authorized
Since the Constitution left the State as a litigant on a level with the man, as it clearly did, where did Congress get the power to change that arrangement of the Consti-


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tution and put the State above the man? Only the people, by amendment, could make that change. Yet the courts submitted to the lawless dictation. The first judge appealed to under the meddling act should have refused to call two other judges, should have heard the application, granted or denied a restraining order or injunction, and let the losing party make a test of the law in the Supreme Court of the United States, which would then be in a position to sustain the Judiciary "in all its dignity and vigor," as President Cleveland sustained the Executive Department against encroachment by the Senate, and as Hamilton said in The Federalist that each Department would take pride in maintaining its prerogatives against one or both of the others.
Act of Congress interference with procedure
The act forbade that the application for a restraining order or injunction "be heard or determined before at least five days' notice of the hearing has been given to the Governor and to the Attorney General of the State, and such other persons as may be defendants in the suit." But if it should appear that irreparable loss or damage would result unless a temporary restraining order be granted, then one judge should give that relief.
As Article III set up the Supreme Court and then authorized Congress to "ordain and establish" such "inferior courts" as might be necessary, it was within the competence of the Legislative Department, probably, to establish a three-judge court. In 1891, to take from the Supreme Court part of its load, Congress established nine (now eleven) Circuit Courts of Appeals of three judges each. But to establish courts to meet the needs of the people is


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quite another thing from trying, or partially trying, cases in them.
"The judicial power of the United States" to try and adjudge cases, the Constitution put in "one Supreme Court and such inferior courts" as might be needed. That forever fixed judicial power until the people determine that it should be withdrawn from the courts and vested in the Congress or elsewhere.
No judicial power possessed by Congress
Congress may prescribe the jurisdiction of a court which it establishes (like the Court of Claims and the Court of Customs and Patent Appeals), but not thepower. "The judicial power," says section 2 of Article III, "shall extend to all cases in law and equity." This power is poured into the courts by the people through their Constitution. Congress has no judicial power to confer.
Apparently emboldened by the success -- or lack of opposition -- which attended the act of 1910, Congress again dictated to the Judicial Department, in 1913, setting up a three-judge court and laying down with the fullest particularity the steps which the court would be permitted to take in injunction proceedings arising out of orders entered against citizens by the Interstate Commerce Commission.
Congress unduly magnified Interstate Commerce Commission
Again, why should the Interstate Commerce Commission, a bureau of Congress, have a court of three judges, when a court of one judge must meet the needs of the American, who created all that there is in and under


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government? This question is particularly pertinent in view of the fact that during the 63 years of the Commission no President has ever appointed to it a railroad man of standing in the field of transportation, finance or traffic, or a shipper of prominence, in the world of commerce. The body never has been what the President and the Senate should have made it -- what the commerce of the country and those engaged in it were entitled to have to serve them. Then, why should its decisions be made so nearly immutable by restrictions on judicial procedure withholding from the American his liberty to seek justice?
Why put Interstate Commerce Commission above American?
As a specimen of the work of the Commission which the Congress was so desirous of making nearly immune to attack by aggrieved citizens, the reorganization of the Chicago, Milwaukee, St. Paul and Pacific Railroad Company will be stated.
Owing to the unemployment of 9,935,000 in the United States, there was a great shortage of production, which means that the railroads lacked freight tonnage and passenger travel, which means that many of them could not pay their way. In 1935, the Milwaukee Company filed a petition for reorganization with the Interstate Commerce Commission in pursuance of an act of Congress. Evidence was received in the year named and in 1936 and 1937. While the case was on trial the number of unemployed rose to 10,932,583, as reported by the American Federation of Labor.
The plan of reorganization approved by the Commission


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wiped out all the preferred and common stock. On March 15, 1943, the Supreme Court of the United States upheld the finding of the Commission.
A year before that, in 1942, the net profits of the Milwaukee after interest and taxes were $12,174,831. In 1943 the net profits were $29,413,623.
Interstate Commerce Commission failed to see point
That shows that the railroad was in fit condition to handle traffic when the United States should be in condition to provide it. The United States needed reorganizing, not the railroads.
Shortly after the investments of the holders of preferred and common stock had been wiped out, the Company paid off a large volume of its old bonds. That is only one of many like cases of railroad reorganization in destruction of investments. The grossness of the injustice caused talk by members of Congress of impeachment.
It was decisions of that sort that Congress did not want the damaged American citizen to attack in court except under annoying difficulty and delay!
In 1932 Congress revamped a line of legislation respecting labor and told the Judicial Department of the Constitution just what it could do and what it could not do about the issuing of injunctions in cases affecting labor.
Norris-LaGuardia Act denial of justice
The minority report of the committee of Congress on the bill said that in practice it would amount to a denial of the rights of the employer. He was virtually outlawed. To be sure, that was the intention -- that is what a powerful


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voting group demanded that Congress give it. And Congress responded to the demand, just as it bowed to the same group five years later and passed the National Labor Relations Act, to the appalling hurt of the States whose Congressmen enacted it.[1]
Those three acts of Congress were definitely lawless and against the liberty of the American. The courts were lawless when they submitted to the intimidations, and the organized Bar maintained a masterful inactivity while the undermining of constitutional government was in open progress.
Historic relief by injunction made clear
The "judicial power" which was poured into the courts by the Constitution was that inherent in the courts of England in 1787. It was brought to America by the colonists. What it was is plain.
Blackstone, whose lectures were taught in the College of William and Mary to Virginians who helped write the Constitution, told the youth at the University of Oxford a quarter of a century or more before 1787 just what were the inherent powers of a court of equity with respect to the restraining order, or the temporary injunction, and the permanent injunction:
"But if an injunction be wanted to stay waste, or other injuries of an equally urgent nature, then upon the filing of the bill [called application in the acts of Congress reviewed], and a proper case supported by affidavits, the
1. The Norris-LaGuardia Injunction Bill of 1932 passed the Senate by a vote of 75 to 5. The House passed it by 363 to 13. The employers of the country whose equipment for production and transportation had won the first World War were all but friendless in the Government which had been saved.


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court will grant an injunction immediately, to continue until the defendant has put in his answer, and till the court shall make some further order concerning it; and when the answer comes in, whether it shall then be dissolved or continued till the hearing of the case, is determined by the court upon argument, drawn from considering the answer and the affidavit together." -- 4 "Commentaries on the Laws of England," 443.
That language defined the power of a court of equity with respect to the injunction when the Constitution was written. Consequently that is what the Convention put into the Constitution when it provided:
"The judicial power shall extend to all cases in law and equity."
Congress powerless to defeat constitutional injunction
What a court of equity could do then it can do now. That is constitutional. Being constitutional, it can be taken out of the Constitution only by amendment. Congress can no more change or control the judicial power than it could wipe away the Bill of Rights. Indeed, this provision extending the judicial power to cases in equity is one of the many bills of right written in the body of the Constitution.
The court of equity established by the Constitution having had the power, as Blackstone shows, "to grant an injunction immediately," without notice, upon the filing of an application with affidavits proving that, if it be not granted without delay, irreparable damage will be sustained by the applicant, that power cannot be withdrawn or modified by Congress.


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Rule of Supreme Court protected all
By Equity Rule 73 of the Supreme Court of the United States, governing the lower courts also, long in effect, meticulous care was taken to prescribe procedure in injunction cases -- not alone in cases affecting the powerful group unconstitutionally favored by the Act of 1932, known as the Norris-LaGuardia Act, but in suits of all Americans.
The Rule directs (1) that no preliminary injunction issue without notice; (2) that no temporary restraining order be granted without notice unless it clearly appear from specific facts presented, under oath, that immediate and irreparable damage will otherwise result, and (3) that the temporary restraining order mentioned be brought to hearing "at the earliest possible time, and in no event later than 10 days."
That rule required notice to interested persons and parties -- to States and to the Interstate Commerce Commission. It required the oath for the temporary restraining order, as described by Blackstone. It required speedy hearing. It gave to defendants complete protection, and the acts of Congress were as needless as they were invalid.
Judiciary in need of protection
On the Judiciary's being the weakest of the three Departments to defend itself, and on the need therefore of its receiving protection, Hamilton wrote in No. 78 of The Federalist:
"The Judiciary, from the nature of its functions, will always be the least dangerous to the political rights of the Constitution, because it will be least in capacity to


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annoy or injure them. The Executive not only dispenses the honors, but holds the sword of the community. The Legislature [Congress] not only commands the purse, but prescribes the rules by which the duties and rights of every citizen are to be regulated. The Judiciary, on the contrary, has no influence over either the sword or the purse; no direction either of the strength or of the wealth of the society; and can take no active resolution whatever. It may be truly said to have neither force nor will, but only judgment; and must ultimately depend upon the aid of the Executive arm even for the efficacy of its judgments. ... It can never attack with success either of the other two; and all possible care is requisite to enable it to defend itself against their attacks."
But government by the educated is in prospect
In June, 1947, the Governor of Missouri signed a bill to require the teaching of the Constitution in all schools from the Seventh Grade up and in colleges and universities, and to forbid a degree of graduation to be given to any student until a rigid examination in the Constitution has been passed.
In the same month the dispatches reported that a similar step had been taken by the Legislature of California.

When the legislatures of all the other States follow those wise examples it will soon be impossible to draw from the population weak Congresses or Courts or Legislatures or Executives.

Special Thanks to Barefoot's world.
http://www.barefootsworld.net
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Even Knowing About This Law Might Prevent You From Serving On A Jury

Jury Duty (film)
Jury Duty (film) (Photo credit: Wikipedia)



Guilty or not guilty? Well, there's a third option you might not know about.  In the United States, if you are called to jury duty, (SSHHH!) you have the right to override the judge on what you want to hear from either side irregardless of what the judge may say.  (It's in the handbook that you do not get a copy of).  You have the right as a juror to bypass any order of suppressed information or evidence.  But that's Constitutional law, and we all know that the Constitution is nothing more than a piece of paper except when it can be used against us. 
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