Showing posts with label United States Congress. Show all posts
Showing posts with label United States Congress. Show all posts

Tuesday, December 2, 2014

THE BIRTHDAY OF OUR NATION

by
SARAH J. PRICHARD
Author of the History of Waterbury, 1674-1783
Bellman Grey and Blue-Eyed Boy were hurrying up Chestnut street; the man carried a large key, the boy a new broom.

It was a very warm morning in a very warm month of a very warm year; in fact it may as well be stated at once that it was the Fourth day of July, 1776, and that Bellman Grey and Blue-Eyed Boy were in haste to make ready the State House of Pennsylvania for the birth of the United States of America. No wonder they were in a hurry.
In fact, everybody seemed in a hurry that day; for before Bellman Grey had whisked that new broom over the floor of Congress Hall, in walked, arm-in-arm, Thomas Jefferson and John Adams.
“Good morning, gentlemen,” said Bellman Grey. “You’ll find the dust settled in the committee-room. I’m cleaning house a little extra to-day for the expected visitor.”
“For the coming heir?” said Mr. Adams.
“When Liberty comes, She comes to stay,” said Mr. Jefferson, half-suffocated with the dust; and the two retreated to the committee-room.
Blue-Eyed Boy was polishing with his silken duster the red morocco of a chair as the gentlemen 118opened the door. He heard one of them say, “If Cæsar Rodney gets here, it will be done.”
“If it’s done,” said the boy, “won’t you, please, Mr. Adams, won’t you, please, Mr. Jefferson, let me carry the news to General Washington?”
The two gentlemen looked either at the other, and both at the lad, in smiling wonder.
“If what is done?” asked Mr. Adams.
“If the thing is voted and signed and made sure,” (just here Blue-Eyed Boy waved his duster of a flag and stood himself as erect as a flagpole;) “if the tree’s transplanted, if the ship gets off the ways, if we run clear away from King George, sir; so far away that he’ll never catch us.”
“And why do you, my lad, wish to carry the news to General Washington?” asked Mr. Jefferson.
“Because,” said the boy, “why—wouldn’t you? It’ll be jolly work for the soldiers when they know they can fight for themselves.”
Just here Bellman Grey shouted for Blue-Eyed Boy, bidding him come quick and be spry with his dusting, too.
Before the hall was cleared of the accumulated dust of State-rooms above and Congress-rooms below, in came members of the Congress, one-by-one and two-by-two, and in groups. The doors were locked, and the solemn deliberations began. Within that room, now known as Independence 119Hall, sat, in solemn conclave, half a hundred men, each and every one of whom knew full well that the deed about to be done would endanger his own life.
On a table lay a paper, awaiting signatures. A silver ink-stand held the ink that trembled and wavered to the sound and stir of John Adams’s voice, as he stated once more the why and the wherefore of the step America was about to take.
This final statement was made for the especial enlightenment of three gentlemen, new members of the Congress from New Jersey, and in reply to the reasons given by Mr. Dickinson why the Declaration of Independence should not be made.
In the meantime Bellman Grey was up in the steeple, “seeing what he could see,” and Blue-Eyed Boy was answering knocks at the entrance doors; then running up the stairs to tell the scraps of news that he had gleaned through open door, or crack, or key-hole.
The day wore on; outside a great and greater crowd surged every moment against the walls; but the walls of the State House were thick, and the crowd was hushed to silence, with intense longing to hear what was going on inside.
From his high-up place in the belfry, where he had been on watch, Bellman Grey espied a figure on horseback, hurrying toward the scene; the horse was white with heat and hurry; the rider’s “face was no bigger than an apple,” but it was a face of importance that day.
120
Run!” shouted Bellman Grey from the belfry. “Run and tell them that Mr. Rodney comes.”
The boy descended the staircase with a bound and a leap and a thump against the door, and announced Cæsar Rodney’s approach.
In he came, weary with his eighty miles in the saddle, through heat and hunger and dust, for Delaware had sent her son in haste to the scene.
The door closed behind him and all was as still and solemn as before.
Up in the belfry the old man stroked fondly the tongue of the bell, and softly said under his breath again and again as the hours went: “They will never do it; they will never do it.”
The boy sat on the lowest step of the staircase, alternately peeping through the key-hole with eye to see and with ear to hear. At last, came a stir within the room. He peeped again. He saw Mr. Hancock, with white and solemn face, bend over the paper on the table, stretch forth his hand, and dip the pen in the ink. He watched that hand and arm curve the pen to and fro over the paper, and then he was away up the stairs like a cat.
Breathless with haste, he cried up the belfry: “He’s a doing it, he is! I saw him through the key-hole. Mr. Hancock has put his name to that big paper on the table.”
“Go back! go back! you young fool, and keep watch, and tell me quick when to ring!” cried 121down the voice of Bellman Grey, as he wiped for the hundredth time the damp heat from his forehead and the dust from the iron tongue beside him.
Blue-Eyed Boy went back and peeped again just in time to see Mr. Samuel Adams in the chair, pen in hand.
One by one, in “solemn silence all,” the members wrote their names, each one knowing full well, that unless the Colonists could fight longer and stronger than Great Britain, that signature would prove his own death-warrant.
It was fitting that the men who wrote their names that day should write with solemn deliberation.
Blue-Eyed Boy peeped again. “I hope they’re almost done,” he sighed; “and I reckon they are, for Mr. Rodney has the pen now. My! how tired and hot his face looks! I don’t believe he has had any more dinner to-day than I have, and I feel most awful empty. It’s almost night by this time, too.”
At length the long list was complete. Every man then present had signed the Declaration of Independence, except Mr. Dickinson of Pennsylvania.
And now came the moment wherein the news should begin its journey around the world. The Speaker, Mr. Thompson, arose and made the announcement to the very men who already knew it.
122
Blue-Eyed Boy peeped with his ear and heard the words through the key-hole.
With a shout and a cry of “Ring! ring!” and a clapping of hands, he rushed upward to the belfry. The words, springing from his lips like arrows, sped their way into the ears and hands of Bellman Grey. Grasping the iron tongue of the old bell, backward and forward he hurled it a hundred times, its loud voice proclaiming to all the people that down in Independence Hall a new nation was born to the earth that day.
When the members heard its tones swinging out the joyous notes they marvelled, because no one had authorized the announcement. When the key was turned from within, and the door opened, there stood the mystery facing them, in the person of Blue-Eyed Boy.
“I told him to ring; I heard the news!” he shouted, and opened the State House doors to let the Congress out and all the world in.
You know the rest; the acclamation of the multitude, the common peals (they forgot to be careful of powder that night in the staid old city), the big bonfires, and the illuminations that rang and roared and boomed and burned from Delaware to Schuylkill.
In the waning light of the latest bonfire, up from the city of Penn, rode our Blue-Eyed Boy—true to his purpose to be the first to carry the glad news to General Washington.
“It will be like meeting an old friend,” he 123thought; for had he not seen the commander-in-chief every day going in and out of the Congress Hall during his visit to Philadelphia only a month ago?
The self-appointed courier never deemed other evidence of the truth of his news needful than his own “word of mouth.” He rode a strong young horse, which, early in the year, had been left in his care by a southern officer when on his way to the camp at Cambridge; and that no one might worry about him, he had taken the precaution to intrust his secret to a neighbor lad to tell at the home-door in the light of early day.
The journey was long, too long to write of here. Suffice it to say, that on Sunday morning Blue-Eyed Boy reached the ferry at the Hudson river. The old ferryman hesitated to cross with the lad.
“Wait at my house until the cool of the evening,” he urged.
But Blue-Eyed Boy said, “No, I must cross this morning, and my pony: I’ll pay for two if you’ll take me.”
The ferryman crossed the river with the boy, who, on the other side, inquired his way to the headquarters of the general.
Warm, tired, hungry, and dusty, he urged his pony forward to the place, only to find that he whom he sought had gone to divine service at St. Paul’s church.
Blue-Eyed Boy rode to St. Paul’s. In the 124Fields (now City Hall Park) he tied his faithful horse, and went his way to the church.
Gently and with reverent mien, he entered the open door, and listened to the closing words of the sermon. At length the service was over and the congregation turned toward the entrance where stood the young traveler, his heart beating with exultant pride at the glorious news he had to tell to the glorious commander.
How grand the General looked to the boy, as, with stately step, he trod slowly the church aisle accompanied by his officers.
Now he was come to the vestibule. It was Blue-Eyed Boy’s chance at last. The great, dancing, gleeful eyes, that have outlived in fame the very name of the lad, were fixed on Washington, as he stepped forward to accost him.
“Out of the way!” exclaimed a guard, and thrust him aside.
“I will speak! General Washington!” screamed Blue-Eyed Boy, in sudden excitement. The idea of anybody who had seen, even through a key-hole, the signing of the Declaration of Independence, being thrust aside thus!
General Washington stayed his steps and ordered, “Let the lad come to me.”
“I’ve good news for you,” said the youth.
“What news?”
Officers stood around—even the congregation paused, having heard the cry.
“It’s for you alone, General Washington.”
125
The lad’s eyes were ablaze now. All the light of Philadelphia’s late illuminations burned in them. General Washington bade the youth follow him.
“But my pony is tied yonder,” said he, “and he’s hungry and tired too. I can’t leave him.”
“Come hither, then,” and the Commander-in-chief withdrew with the lad within the sacred edifice.
“General Washington,” said Blue-Eyed Boy, “on Thursday Congress declared us free and independent.”
“Where are your dispatches?” leaped from the General’s lips, his face shining.
“Why—why, I haven’t any, but it’s all true, sir,” faltered the boy.
“How did you find it out?”
“I was right there, sir. Don’t you remember me? I help Bellman Grey take care of the State House at Philadelphia, and I run on errands for the Congress folks, too, sometimes.”
“Did Congress send you on this errand?”
“No, General Washington; I can’t tell a lie, I came myself.”
“How did you know me?”
Blue-Eyed Boy was ready to cry now. To be sure he was sturdy and strong, and nearly fourteen, too; but to be doubted, after all his long, tiresome journey, was hard. However, he winked once or twice violently, and then he looked his very soul into the General’s face, and said: “Why, 126I saw you every day you went to Congress, only a month ago, I did.”
“I believe you, my lad. Get your horse and follow me.”
Blue-Eyed Boy followed on, and waited in camp until the tardy despatches came in on Tuesday morning, confirming every word that he had spoken.
The same evening all the brigades in and around New York were ordered to their respective parade-grounds.
Blue-Eyed Boy was admitted within the hollow square formed by the brigades on the spot where stands the City Hall. Within the same square was General Washington, sitting on horseback, and the great Declaration was read by one of his aids.
It is needless to tell how it was received by the eager men who listened to the mighty truths with reverent, uncovered heads. Henceforth every man felt that he had a banner under which to fight, as broad as the sky above him, as sheltering as the homely roof of home.


Sunday, October 19, 2014

Anti Federalist Papers No. 49 – On Constitutional Conventions (Part 1)

That the new constitution cannot make a union of states, but only of individuals, and purposes the beginning of one new society, one new government in all matters, is evident from these considerations, viz: It marks no line of distinction between separate state matters, and what would of right come under the control of the powers ordained in a union of states. To say that no line could be drawn, is giving me the argument. For what can be more absurd than to say, that states are united where a general power is established that extends to all objects of government, i. e. , all that exist among the people who make the compact? And is it not clear that Congress have the right (by the constitution), to make general laws for proving all acts, records, proceedings, and the effect thereof, in what are now called the states? Is it possible after this that any state act can exist, or any public business be done, without the direction and sanction of Congress, or by virtue of some subordinate authority? If not, how in the nature of things can there be a union of states? Does not the uniting of states, as states, necessarily imply the existence of separate state powers?

Again, the constitution makes no consistent, adequate provision for amendments to be made to it by states, as states. Not they who drew up the amendments (should any be made), but they who ratify them, must be considered as making them. Three fourths of the legislatures of the several states, as they are now called, may ratify amendments - that is, if Congress see fit, but not without. Where is then any independent state authority recognized in the plan?

And if there is no independent state authority, how can there be a union of states? But is it not a question of importance why the states in their present capacity, cannot ratify the original? I mean, why the legislatures of the several states cannot do this business? I wish to be informed where to find the regular exercise and legal sanction of state power, if the legislative authority of the state is set aside. Have the people some other constitutional means by which they can give their united voice in state affairs? This leads me to observe, that should the new constitution be received as it stands, it can never be proved that it originated from any proper state authority; because there is no such authority recognized either in the form of it, or in the mode fixed upon for its ratification. It says, "We the people of the United States," etc. , make this constitution; but does this phrase, "We the people of the United States," prove that the people are acting in state character, or that the several states must of necessity exist with separate governments? Who that understands the subject will believe either? . . .

The plan does not acknowledge any constitutional state authority as necessary in the ratification of it. This work is to be done by a mere convention, only in consequence of mere recommendation; which does by no means amount to a proper state act. As no state act can exist independent of the supreme authority of the state, and this authority is out of the question in the ratification of the new constitution, it clearly follows that the ratifying of it, by a mere convention, is no proper state business. To conclude, the people may make the original, but the people have no right to alter it. Congress may order this matter just as they please, and consequently have whom they please elected for governors or representatives, not of the states but of the people; and not of the people as men but as property. . . .
MASSACHUSETTENSIS

It appears to me that I was mistaken in supposing that we could so very easily make trial of this constitution, and again change it at our pleasure. The conventions of the several states cannot propose any alterations - they are only to give their assent and ratification. And after the constitution is once ratified, it must remain fixed until two thirds of both the houses of Congress shall deem it necessary to propose amendments; or the legislatures of two thirds of the several states shall make application to Congress for the calling a convention for proposing amendments - which amendments shall not be valid until they are ratified by the legislatures of three fourths of the several states, or by conventions in three fourths thereof, as one or the other mode of ratification may be proposed by Congress. This appears to me to be only a cunning way of saying that no alteration shall ever be made; so that whether it is a good constitution or a bad constitution, it will remain forever unamended.

Lycurgus, when he promulgated his laws to the Spartans, made them swear that they would make no alterations in them until he should return from a journey which he was then about to undertake. He chose never to return, and therefore no alteration could be made in his laws. The people were made to believe that they could make trial of his laws for a few months or years, during his absence, and as soon as he returned they could continue to observe them or reject at pleasure. Thus this celebrated republic was in reality established by a trick.

In like manner the proposed constitution holds out a prospect of being subject to be changed if it be found necessary or convenient to change it; but the conditions upon which an alteration can take place, are such as in all probability will never exist. The consequence will be that when the constitution is once established it never can be altered or amended without some violent convulsion or civil war.

The conditions, I say, upon which any alterations can take place, appear to me to be such as never will exist. Two thirds of both houses of congress, or the legislatures of two thirds of the states, must agree in desiring a convention to be called. This will probably never happen. But if it should happen, then the convention may agree to the amendments or not, as they think right; and after all three fourths of the states must ratify the amendments. Before all this labyrinth can be traced to a conclusion, ages will revolve, and perhaps the great principles upon which our late glorious revolution was founded, will be totally forgotten.
If the principles of liberty are not firmly fixed and established in the present constitution, in vain may we hope for retrieving them hereafter.

People once possessed of power are always loathe to part with it; and we shall never find two thirds of a Congress voting or proposing anything which shall derogate from their own authority and importance, or agreeing to give back to the people any part of those privileges which they have once parted with - so far from it, that the greater occasion there may be for a reformation, the less likelihood will there be of accomplishing it.

The greater the abuse of power, the more obstinately is it always persisted in.

As to any expectation of two thirds of the legislatures concurring in such a request, it is if possible still more remote. The legislatures of the states will be but forms and shadows, and it will be the height of arrogance and presumption in them, to turn their thoughts to such high subjects. After this constitution is once established, it is too evident that we shall be obliged to fill up the offices of assemblymen and councillors, as we do those of constables, by appointing men to serve whether they will or not, and fining them if they refuse. The members thus appointed, as soon as they can hurry through a law or two for repairing highways, or impounding cattle, will conclude the business of their sessions as suddenly as possible, that they may return to their own business. Their heads will not be perplexed with the great affairs of state. We need not expect two thirds of them ever to interfere in so momentous a question as that of calling a continental convention. The different legislatures will have no communication with one another, from the time of the new constitution being ratified to the end of the world. Congress will be the great focus of power as well as the great and only medium of communication from one state to another. The great and the wise and the mighty will be in possession of places and offices; they will oppose all changes in favor of liberty; they will steadily pursue the acquisition of more and more power to themselves and their adherents. . . .

AN OLD WHIG


Learn More About American History:  Visit Jamestown, Yorktown and Colonial Williamsburg Living Museums in Virginia.  

Wednesday, September 24, 2014

Congressman Rob Wittman (Rare) Weekly Update, September, 2014

English:
English: (Photo credit: Wikipedia)
Congressman Rob Wittman’s Weekly Update
WASHINGTON, DC – At the beginning of August, I urged the Speaker to keep the House in Washington so that the important work facing our nation could get done. And what I said then still holds true today: “Too much unfinished business remains, and too many important issues must still be addressed with a limited amount of time on the calendar. Congress has not completed its work, and our constituents expect us to stay and finish the job.”

With no votes in Congress for several weeks, I rose each day and traveled all over the First District to meet folks and hear their concerns, learn about the challenges they and their families face, and gain a better understanding of their views on the role and function of government. These conversations and interactions are absolutely critical to me as I serve the First District in Washington. 

A number of issues remain to be dealt with and deserve the full attention of Congress. No appropriations bills have yet been signed into law, and the federal government will run on a temporary extension of last year’s funding levels, which expires in December. This is a short-sighted, irresponsible way to fund our government’s essential functions, and I did not support it. At the same time, National Defense Authorization Act for fiscal year 2015 has not yet been passed either, and the readiness of our military is threatened by the impending 2015 sequester. We should not rest until these and many other challenges facing our nation are addressed.

As many of you know, last week the President presented his broad ideas for a strategy to combat the violent extremist group known as ISIS. There is no question that ISIS must be destroyed. I believe that the U.S. should play a role in this, but that our role must be as part of a coalition of other nations, including both NATO partners and friendly nations in the Middle East. I also believe that Congress has a constitutional obligation to grant any military authority for a long-term, comprehensive endeavor. That authority must have a clear operational scope and military objective, and I will examine closely the administration’s plan when the specifics of how the mission’s success will be assured are presented to Congress.

Congress has very few days remaining on its legislative calendar this year, but I can assure you that I will continue to call for the House to remain in session to complete the people's work. My travels throughout the First District - and the correspondence I receive from folks like you - have made it clear that the people of America's First want action. I am committed to working with my colleagues in the House and Senate to achieve responsible public policy that ensures this nation remains the greatest the world has ever known.


Friday, September 12, 2014

Constitutional Law Regarding Income Taxes, 1913




Here is an interesting look back in time about constitutional law and an early interpretation of the 16th Amendment.  Now the real question one has to ask, is the 16th Amendment itself legal?  According to earlier Amendments to the Bill of Rights, not in our opinion.

Here is a look at the 16th Amendment;

Amendment 16: Income taxes

The Congress shall have power to lay and collect taxes on incomes, from whatever source derived, without apportionment among the several States, and without regard to any census or enumeration.

February 3, 1913.

Now let's look at the 9th Amendment:

Amendment IX:  Rights retained by the People

The enumeration in the Constitution of certain rights shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people.

These two Amendments would seem to be in conflict with each other yet they have never been argued.  Now the legal arguments surrounding the 9th Amendment shows that it's so ambiguous as to not really be understood.  Well, who really understands the 16th Amendment?  Who gave Congress the power to create such a drastic Amendment?  What it really says is that Congress can take all of your money at any time and for any reason.  There is not one single control in there to stop a 100% confiscation of anyone's money.  

Now what is the definition of enumeration?  


Full Definition of ENUMERATE
transitive verb

1: to ascertain the number of :
2: to specify one after another :


Link to the Merriam-Webster online dictionary.

In a Constitutional Republic Democracy, the will of the people, through elected representatives, is how laws and or rights are created and passed.  If you ever look up the history of the 16th Amendment, this process did NOT take place.  Instead what you will find, based on our own research, is that the 16th Amendment was railroaded through in violation to the US Constitution, against the will of the people.  

So complain all you want about billions of dollars to trillions of dollars going to bailouts or other countries for whatever reason, you allow it everyday by refusing to look at the reason why this is done and sitting back being entertained by; whatever.




Now here is a video that is over the top, but has a very good message.  We do not agree with many areas of it, but it makes very valid points in many areas.  You can't sit back and think that there is nothing you can do.  One person can and does make a difference.  Each person acting towards what is right and in the best interests of society as a whole can make a world of difference.  Anyone can argue who determines what is right.  Let them argue it.  Those people do nothing but argue points, and do nothing else with their lives, so ignore them.

  


Here is some information that you might want to check out but not follow.  The woman in this video eventually went to prison.  She had the wrong argument even though she was on the right trail.




As we said, here is the information about her going to prison.  Now do we recommend people not pay taxes?  Can you really afford not to?  In all honesty, we need someway to finance a fair and Constitutional government, we just need to fix the system.  We can't do that as long as we keep the same chumps in office term after term and chumps that are worse than the chumps already in have to stop running not giving anyone a choice.

  Get involved.

Wednesday, August 13, 2014

The White House, Raise The Wage, This Is Too Funny!


In the 2014 State of the Union address, President Obama called on Congress to raise the national minimum wage from $7.25 to $10.10 an hour, and soon after signed an Executive Order to raise the minimum wage to $10.10 for the individuals working on new federal service contracts.

Raising the minimum wage nationwide will increase earnings for millions of workers, and boost the bottom lines of businesses across the country. While Republicans in Congress continue to block the President's proposal, a number of state legislatures and governors, mayors and city councils, and business owners have answered the President’s call and raised wages for their residents and employees.Read a report on the progress that's been made so far across the country.  (This is another good laugh if you read between the lines on what is said and what is not said.)

Learn more below about why we need to raise the wage, and share this page with your friends and family.

This first map shows the current minimum wage for each state, as well as the number of workers in each state that would be affected by raising the wage to $10.10.

(We are not porting in the maps. It's not worth the time to even bother to look at.)

In this second map, you'll see how raising the wage could help workers make ends meet. For example, a $10.10 wage could, over the course of a year, help a full-time, full-year minimum-wage worker in Arizona afford either 4 months of rent, 24 weeks of groceries, 68 tanks of gas, or the equivalent of 31 months of electricity.

(Wait;  did we read that right?  Someone working full time, all year, may be able to afford 4 months rent in Arizona?  What about the rest of the year and the rest of the bills that poor schmuck will be stuck with?  SOL?) 

Raising the federal minimum wage would not only benefit more than 28 million workers across the country, but 19 million workers from all types of households would see a direct increase in their wages.

(Did someone have to have a college degree to figure this one out?)

Today, the real value of the minimum wage has fallen by nearly one-third since its peak in 1968. And right now, a full-time minimum wage worker makes $14,500 a year, which leaves too many families struggling to make ends meet.

(Isn't this what happens when you ship all the good jobs out of the country and then flood the country with illegal immigrants?)

Since President Obama called for a minimum wage increase in his 2013 State of the Union address, 13 states and Washington, D.C. have passed laws to raise their minimum wage. According to estimates from the Council of Economic Advisers, about 7 million American workers will benefit from these increases as of 2017.

(Oh boy.  That has to make anyone earning only $7.25 per hour real happy.)

(Wonder what would happen if people were actually paid a living wage for the work they do?  Something more to the tune of $25.00 per hour?  Imagine.)


Official Declaration of Contempt of Constitution by The People of the United States of America

With this Document, Filed, Presented or Posted with any agency, department, representative or body politic of government in any form which such government shall take, shall be construed by force majeure as the same shall be duly gathered by We THE People, and the same shall at any time be required or necessary, to be an official and undeniable Declaration of CONTEMPT OF CONSTITUTION for the People of the United States of America, and sets forth the following information and Declaration in support thereof.
The inherent authority and power to charge one with contempt of court has long been recognized within the courts and the legal structure of the governments of the United States of America. It has been well understood, and is accepted, that such authority and power belongs to common law courts as a result of the nature of what contempt of court is, an inherent authority and power being undeniable and un-separable to the courts because of the nature of what that authority and power is. It is further recognized by We THE People, as claimed by the courts themselves, that contempt of court is the highest authority and power as being true and correct on its face accordingly.
Likewise, it is recognized that such authority and power arose first from an acknowledgement and allowance of the King of England in the early Eighteenth century, or early 1700’s, as revealed by the U.S. Supreme Court case of In Re Green v. U.S., N.Y., 78 S. Ct. 632, 356 U.S. 165, 2L. Ed. 2d 672. This revelation being thus shown to illustrate the fact that the power of contempt of court itself actually comes under the sovereignty of a country just as it did in England at that time centuries ago, proves to the People and establishes by like principle that the power of contempt of court in the United States also belongs under the ultimate Sovereignty of the United States of America the republic thereof, or the People, as was expressly embodied in the Preamble as “We the People.”
Proclaiming and explaining the inherent right of the courts themselves to simply declare the right to contempt of court, it is stated at Corpus Juris Secundun, Volume 17, Section 43, Page 108 that “In order that any human agency may accomplish its purpose, it is necessary that it possess power.” The executive must have power to direct or control his business. The Superintendent must have power to direct his men. In order to accomplish the purposes for which they were created, courts must also possess powers. … these powers are called inherent powers. Among these powers is the power to punish for contempt.”
We THE People of the United States of America, having come together in peaceful assembly to return to Original Jurisdiction and Venue and return the formation of a republic, being noted in the Preamble as “We the People,” likewise have, and hereby reveal and prescribe, an Inherent Authority and Power, and for the same or similar reasons, in their own fashion, do so reason and Declare:
In order that any human body of people forming a constitution representing them directly by prescribed or written agency may accomplish their purposes, in order to keep their constitution secure, safe and sound in its integrity, clean, pure, inviolable (not being violated), it is necessary that that body of people possess all inherent authority and power. The business owner must have authority and power to direct or control his business or punish or fire bad employees who refuse to be directed or controlled as required. The Superintendent must have authority and power to direct his men. In order to accomplish the purpose for which they created a Constitution, a People organized in a republic, or even recognized between themselves as bearing or having a constitution, whether or not written, must also possess Authority and Powers. …these authorities and powers are called Inherent Authorities and Powers. These Authorities and Powers are undeniable, irrevocable, irreversible, indisputable, and unalienable, by any elements of government. Among these authorities and powers is the authority and power to punish for Contempt of Constitution. Contempt of Constitution belongs and is inherent to We THE People alone. No part of authority or power of government may attach it, detract from it, taint it, or approach it.
Furthermore, not only does the Inherent Authority and Power of Contempt of Constitution belong to the People alone, wherefore no body of government may approach it without committing Contempt of Constitution at its highest level, but the principle of Contempt of Constitution was embodied by the Constitution’s Founding Fathers or Framers, at Article I, Section 6, Clause 1, perceived and understood therein as “breach of Peace” being understood so to be, to wit:
Treason and Felony are referred to in Article I, Section 6, Clause 1, but Misdemeanor is not. Thus, mere Misdemeanors, even if seemingly causing a breach of peace by today’s standards, would not be sufficient to prevent a Congressman or Senator from attending Congress in session. Reviewing all forms of Misdemeanors and recognizing that none of them apply to such a breach as described in the Constitution, by process of elimination, the only kind of breach that could be so serious as to be thought by the Founding Fathers as being worthy to stop an attendance of Congress in session was that kind of an offense serious enough to be regarded as equal or greater than the commitment of either a treason of felony.
Whenever any person of We THE People, or the People as a Whole, shall have their rights subsequent to mandated rights and requirements usurped by government, and shall further have as to such abuse, contempt, or usurpation by government their:
Rights that any person or People not be assaulted in their fundamental or constitutional rights or their rights of due process in connection with Life, Liberty and Property are abused or denied (5th Amendment);
Rights to be or feel secure in their houses, not just house, as to all their communications, even with modern technology, the advent of modern technology not amending the Constitution in any part thereof (4th Amendment);
Rights to feel secure while traveling abroad by not being forced under penalty of fine or imprisonment (being in duress, by the conduct of government agents) or violation of other rights to show or produce their papers (4th & 5th Amendment);
Rights of speech, religion, assembly, the press, and petition, not polluted with false concepts of expression leading to gross depravity. Perversion, and leading to all forms of social self-destruction, including children murdering children (1st & 9th Amendments);
Rights to exist peacefully in their homes during times of peace (3rd Amendment);
Rights not to have the State’s militia suppressed, oppressed, or done away with under pretense or disguise of being a national guard, or military assaults committed against private homes for constitutionally violation purposes (Article I, Section 8, Clause 16 & 2nd, 8th and 10th Amendments);
Rights of justice by an impartial jury, under control (trial, try – to control) of a Jury, not under control of a judge, thus representing the People directly (Article III, Section 2, Clause 3 and the 6th Amendment);
Rights to not have judges wearing the (black) robes of England or any other country, to not be required to “all rise” for, to not be required to speak, say or lavish the title of honor where no constitutional law can be required of the People to do so, and to have government of the United States and of the several States to not support, either by law or by practice, a title of such as, but not limited to “esquire,” or any association or organization, foreign or domestic, in support thereof (Article I, Section 9, Clause 8 and Article I, Section 10, Clause 1);
Rights to be fully informed of all material facts that transpire in the courts, not to have judges or attorneys take “silent judicial notice” of elements of proceedings thereby impairing the obligation of contract with the court (Article I, Section 10, Clause 6);
Rights to have the separation of powers between the several States and the United States in cases of criminal offense alleged and recognized (Article III, Section 2, Clause 3);
Rights to have all commerce not crossing or else no longer crossing a State’s borders recognized as intrastate commerce, not interstate commerce, and therefore not under the power and authority of the United States government (Article I, Section 8, Clause 3);
Rights to not have Congress have the right to regulate (make regular or uniform) commerce among the States (or interstate commerce) to be extended to mean “to regulate or control interstate society” where such wording is not plainly stated (not being found in Article I, Section 8, Clause 3);
Rights to assistance of counsel (not necessarily attorney or lawyers), assistance not being forced, controlled or limited by any organization what-so-ever (6th Amendment);
Rights against governmental and other encroachments to have civil matters in cases of determined value tried by jury, also not under the control of a lawyer judge (7th Amendment);
Rights of reasonable bail set, but not by prosecution and trial, and no cruel and unusual punishment (8th Amendment);
Rights to not be forced to use an unlawfull form of money, consideration or value received on export (or income from an accounting standpoint) be taxable by the United States Corporation or Government, weather alleged to be to any foreign country or to any local county or State or nation, or no tax on the export side of interstate commerce in any form (Article I, Section 9, Clause 5);
Rights to the Inherent Right to have the language of the People, in all aspects to which it applies to them, belong to the People alone and under their control, and to not belong to or be controlled by any form of government thereof to any degree whatsoever, and rights to the common law thereunder (9th, 5th and 7th Amendments);
Rights to have all rights, through not specifically numbered (enumerated) within the Constitution but retained without Article V required amendment, retained by the First Generation, or that generation which came under the wording “retained by the people” (9th Amendment);
Rights to have certain powers considered forever and distinctly separate between bodies of government, United States, States, and People (10th Amendment);
Rights to bear arms in order to secure against the loss of the condition of a free state, whether by overt or covert means, being the loss of right to Life, Liberty and Property without due process of the law (2nd Amendment combined with the 5th Amendment);
Rights of all other things as they exist within the main body of the Constitution itself as well as other parts of the Constitution not named;
Then they, the People, are NOT at peace by any of these breaches, either as individuals, or as a People, and Peace clearly has been breached thereby. Article I, Section 6, Clause 1- the minimal embodiment of Contempt of Constitution.
THEREFORE, by these unalienable and mutual understandings beheld now by We THE People, whether or not previously spoken, written, or declared by any knowledge of fact or law, and by mutual covenants of the People, by the People, and between the People unspoken and unwritten yet existent, thus giving their heart-felt, undeniable, and solemn consent to this proceeding, without regard to any expressed numeration of the People so represented hereby but being all inclusive for all of the People United, the People of the United States of America and of the Several States do file and Declare CONTEMPT OF CONSTITUTION to belong as an inherent Power to them, the People, alone, AND THAT by each and every filing and declaration of this Inherent Power throughout the land, this Unalienable Power of Contempt of Constitution shall, for the People alone, GROW EXPOENTIALLY accordingly.
THAT because Contempt by its own nature is a Quasi-Crime, or has many different appearances and aspects, and not a civil offense, and because there are different classes of Contempt, re: Corpus Juris Secundum, Volume 17, Section 43, Page 115, it is necessary to set forth what appears to be the different classes of Contempt of Constitution herein.
Definitions
The definition(s) of Contempt of Constitution is as follows: Contempt of Constitution is a Sovereign Crime, committed against the sovereign person(s) = People whom such Constitution represents. For the purposes of defining Contempt of Constitution as applicable to the Constitution for the United States of America, the classification of and degrees of types of Contempt of Constitution and like crimes shall be, and hereby are:
General Contempt. Where Contempt has been committed or asserted, but may have been done ignorantly or unknowingly. (Not a defense) This shall include Attempted Contempt.
Malicious Contempt. Where General Contempt has been repeated, so that ignorance of the law is clearly no excuse, or contempt deliberately committed with afore knowledge, or where the results of the contempt is severe against one or more of the person(s) = People victimized by it so that a distinct harm has befallen or inevitably will befall such person(s) = People.
Tyrannical Malicious Contempt. Contempt so strong that it is apparent that the author(s) of tyranny work(s) act of Malicious Contempt, on a similar or dissimilar basis, in an effort, no matter how small, to gain a destructive power over any person=People within the United States of America or any of its territories, or where a corrupt use, or corrupt taking-part in such use, of power, whether or not, by any manner delegated, whereby such power may be used maliciously toward any citizen or any person=People under the protection of the Constitution and Bill of Rights of the United States of America.
Noble Contempt. Noble Contempt of Constitution occurs when a person or business is recognized and=or treated differently, either greater or lesser, under any operation of law (even though a special fee {which shall be unlawfull} might have been paid to a government for such special recognition) that is recognized for other common or ordinary People, as well as for businesses. Noble Contempt also exists wherein private People or businesses are elevated in status above other common People or businesses by either what they are provided as rights to be entitled, above other People of equal merit, to do or by where they are regarded by some sense of fame already in existence as to be given advantage(s) that other ordinary or common People or businesses under the same circumstances would not be provided. Noble Contempt shall also include Noble Contempt by De-nobilization, which is an act of subjecting an individual or even a specific populous to a condition of degradation or reduction in status of importance under the law, whether by statute, code, regulation or common law, in favor of not reducing all People equally, to be affected thereby. This jurisdictional charge and all penalties hereunder, shall apply to both People and non-nationals of the United States of America and of any State. This is an Inherent Power expressed by the Constitution at Article I, Section 9 Clause 8, and Article I, Section 10, Clause 1.
Noble Malicious Contempt. Is the establishment of Noble Contempt where the party or parties involved in such contemptuous activity refuse to vacate such Contempt and such Contempt can be shown to work a hardship or deprivation of common rights upon any other United States of America native born national or native born in a state of the union. This jurisdictional charge and all penalties hereunder, shall apply to both native born People and non-nationals of the United States of America and of any State. This is an Inherent Authority and Power expressed by the Constitution at article I, Section 9, Clause 8 and Article I, Section 10, Clause 1.
Noble Tyrannical Malicious Contempt. Is the establishment of Noble Contempt on a harsh and repetitive basis where the party or parties involved in such contemptuous activity effectuate such Contempt to the degree that it represents a blatant disregard for basic human rights, rights embraced by the Constitution, where gross insensitivity toward the suffering of any United States of America native born Freeman or Free-Woman is the result, and it is reasonably believed that the party or parties knew of the unconstitutionality of their acts but proceeded with obvious Contempt to continue them at any cost, or where there shall be a corrupt use of power in conjunction with such Noble Tyrannical Malicious Contempt, whether or not, by any manner, delegated, that may be used maliciously as toward any native born Freeman or Free-Woman of, or any person=People under the protection of the United States of America nor any of its territories. Furthermore, Noble Tyrannical Malicious Contempt may be recognized as having been committed in any event where the wanton disregard for the rights, safety and secureness of the common native born Freeman or free-Woman, whether or not the same shall be considered sovereign, is enacted, as represented by the scientific formula written as ” ∑(#1) = F∞” (Total Humanity),” putting all or a great portion of humanity at risk of life and=or liberty for the benefit of one, which may be representatively defined in analogical format, put in antiquated-like, but not clearly expressive terms as, “The Sum of Me is Equal To All of Thee.”
IN THE FURTHERANCE of this DECLARATION of CONTEMPT OF CONSTITUTION, where there shall be any attempt to refute, deny, or twist the same so as to be made of alleged non-effect, while holding that the authority and power of contempt of court exists at all, it is further hereby NOTED, UNDERSTOOD, and DECLARED THAT if there be at any time any claim that CONTEMPT OF CONSTITUTION does not exist or that the We THE People have no right thereto, that contempt of court does not exist or that the We THE People have no right thereto, then contempt of court does not exist either, nor contempt of legislature, nor contempt of the executive; the lower cannot supersede the higher, nor set it aside. Therefore, any attempt to declare that Contempt of Constitution does not exist for or belong to We THE People alone in favor of contempt of court or any other authority or power of government, represents a Contempt of Constitution to the Tyrannical Malicious Degree, and is inherently prosecutable there under.
Other forms of Contempt of Constitution may exist as We THE People alone discern or duly proclaim them to be hereafter.
NOTED NOW, and DESCERNED. There is no statute of limitations of Contempt of Constitution, and there can be none, except it be declared by We THE People themselves, which they shall not, except it be by Amendment by Pure Convention, (shall) do.
Contempt of Constitution
Has been formally and officially Declared by this proceeding to the same extent as contempt of court was first declared many ages ago, and has the same lawfull intent and purpose as does contempt of court, the keeping and securing of the Constitution in a safe and sound condition, maintaining its integrity in its rights established solely for the benefit of We THE People of the United States of America.
A tribunal representing a lawfull force recognized by and under the Constitution of the United States of America (Article I, Section 8, Clause 9), also by the power of the tribunals long known and existing under common law, by the power of separate and third party existence as established under the Tenth Amendment to the Constitution of the United States of America, Circa 1778 as amended at 1791, the Tribunal of We THE People undersigned, representing the People in law and in sovereign law, whether by direct representation or by those solemn and sovereign authority and powers in spirit and in fact as embodied and held, being retained by the First Generation as set forth and required by the Ninth Amendment to the Constitution of the United States of America, now hereby below subscribe their appellations, giving force, authority and power to this proceeding and Declaration, by use by proxy of the appellations of those Founding Fathers whose historical appellations now are entered below upon this Extraordinary Writ of Sovereign Declaration, joined by others thereafter in spirit and=or in fact, this Declaration of Contempt of Constitution is and has been put into Perpetual and Sovereign Effect and Power by the Power and Effect of these Three appellations so autographed, real People=Citizens standing in Symbolic Proxy for the Same, and is therefore,
{Place your statement of facts and=or your issue by verified Affidavit}
It is Ordered, Sentenced and Decreed by the Lawfull Authority and Power by the Political Will of We THE People of the United States of America the date of the Declaration of this Inherent Authority and Power of Contempt of Constitution being Timeless, extending to all times when the offense(s) shall have been committed, by
Autograph: (Seal)
Autograph: (Seal)
Autograph: (Seal)

We have no idea who the original author is but this came off the site linked below and posted by "Freewill".