Showing posts with label American Revolution. Show all posts
Showing posts with label American Revolution. Show all posts

Friday, September 26, 2014

Battle of the Hook, 2008 Special Video

Photo By; Chuck Thompson of TTC Media, All Rights Reserved.



Sometimes digging around areas you find little gold nuggets.  Well while we were digging around the county's special interest video archives, we found this little nugget and could not help but put it up for everyone to see.  Being big fans of the American Revolution and the great job that many within the county did putting both Battle of the Hook reenactments together and making these events happen, we had no choice but to share this.  This video is from the first event that occurred in 2008.  We have not seen anything from the 2013 event.  Which also reminds us, there is a brochure out circulating in the state of Virginia for Gloucester County tourism that lists Battle of the Hook as an event for 2014 and will be in October.  It's a very old brochure and there will not be a 2014 Battle of the Hook event for 2014.

  These events were very costly and very difficult to produce.  It take about 5 years to get groups together for this kind of event.  It takes at least one year just for the planning and staging.  Would we love to see another one?  Of course.  Can it be done yearly?  No way.  Will there ever be another one?  We are not counting on it, but would love to see it anyway.   We have a very large selection of photos from both events posted all over the net and a decent number of videos too.  We still have a lot we have not yet shared.  One day we may get to them.



American Revolution a
American Revolution a (Photo credit: Battleofthehook)













Friday, June 27, 2014

Federalist Papers No. 45. The Alleged Danger From the Powers of the Union to the State Governments

Considered For the Independent Journal. Saturday, January 26, 1788

MADISON
HAVING shown that no one of the powers transferred to the federal government is unnecessary or improper, the next question to be considered is, whether the whole mass of them will be dangerous to the portion of authority left in the several States.
The adversaries to the plan of the convention, instead of considering in the first place what degree of power was absolutely necessary for the purposes of the federal government, have exhausted themselves in a secondary inquiry into the possible consequences of the proposed degree of power to the governments of the particular States. But if the Union, as has been shown, be essential to the security of the people of America against foreign danger; if it be essential to their security against contentions and wars among the different States; if it be essential to guard them against those violent and oppressive factions which embitter the blessings of liberty, and against those military establishments which must gradually poison its very fountain; if, in a word, the Union be essential to the happiness of the people of America, is it not preposterous, to urge as an objection to a government, without which the objects of the Union cannot be attained, that such a government may derogate from the importance of the governments of the individual States? Was, then, the American Revolution effected, was the American Confederacy formed, was the precious blood of thousands spilt, and the hard-earned substance of millions lavished, not that the people of America should enjoy peace, liberty, and safety, but that the government of the individual States, that particular municipal establishments, might enjoy a certain extent of power, and be arrayed with certain dignities and attributes of sovereignty? We have heard of the impious doctrine in the Old World, that the people were made for kings, not kings for the people. Is the same doctrine to be revived in the New, in another shape that the solid happiness of the people is to be sacrificed to the views of political institutions of a different form? It is too early for politicians to presume on our forgetting that the public good, the real welfare of the great body of the people, is the supreme object to be pursued; and that no form of government whatever has any other value than as it may be fitted for the attainment of this object. Were the plan of the convention adverse to the public happiness, my voice would be, Reject the plan. Were the Union itself inconsistent with the public happiness, it would be, Abolish the Union. In like manner, as far as the sovereignty of the States cannot be reconciled to the happiness of the people, the voice of every good citizen must be, Let the former be sacrificed to the latter. How far the sacrifice is necessary, has been shown. How far the unsacrificed residue will be endangered, is the question before us.
Several important considerations have been touched in the course of these papers, which discountenance the supposition that the operation of the federal government will by degrees prove fatal to the State governments. The more I revolve the subject, the more fully I am persuaded that the balance is much more likely to be disturbed by the preponderancy of the last than of the first scale.
We have seen, in all the examples of ancient and modern confederacies, the strongest tendency continually betraying itself in the members, to despoil the general government of its authorities, with a very ineffectual capacity in the latter to defend itself against the encroachments. Although, in most of these examples, the system has been so dissimilar from that under consideration as greatly to weaken any inference concerning the latter from the fate of the former, yet, as the States will retain, under the proposed Constitution, a very extensive portion of active sovereignty, the inference ought not to be wholly disregarded. In the Achaean league it is probable that the federal head had a degree and species of power, which gave it a considerable likeness to the government framed by the convention. The Lycian Confederacy, as far as its principles and form are transmitted, must have borne a still greater analogy to it. Yet history does not inform us that either of them ever degenerated, or tended to degenerate, into one consolidated government. On the contrary, we know that the ruin of one of them proceeded from the incapacity of the federal authority to prevent the dissensions, and finally the disunion, of the subordinate authorities. These cases are the more worthy of our attention, as the external causes by which the component parts were pressed together were much more numerous and powerful than in our case; and consequently less powerful ligaments within would be sufficient to bind the members to the head, and to each other.
In the feudal system, we have seen a similar propensity exemplified. Notwithstanding the want of proper sympathy in every instance between the local sovereigns and the people, and the sympathy in some instances between the general sovereign and the latter, it usually happened that the local sovereigns prevailed in the rivalship for encroachments. Had no external dangers enforced internal harmony and subordination, and particularly, had the local sovereigns possessed the affections of the people, the great kingdoms in Europe would at this time consist of as many independent princes as there were formerly feudatory barons.
The State governments will have the advantage of the Federal government, whether we compare them in respect to the immediate dependence of the one on the other; to the weight of personal influence which each side will possess; to the powers respectively vested in them; to the predilection and probable support of the people; to the disposition and faculty of resisting and frustrating the measures of each other.
The State governments may be regarded as constituent and essential parts of the federal government; whilst the latter is nowise essential to the operation or organization of the former. Without the intervention of the State legislatures, the President of the United States cannot be elected at all. They must in all cases have a great share in his appointment, and will, perhaps, in most cases, of themselves determine it. The Senate will be elected absolutely and exclusively by the State legislatures. Even the House of Representatives, though drawn immediately from the people, will be chosen very much under the influence of that class of men, whose influence over the people obtains for themselves an election into the State legislatures. Thus, each of the principal branches of the federal government will owe its existence more or less to the favor of the State governments, and must consequently feel a dependence, which is much more likely to beget a disposition too obsequious than too overbearing towards them. On the other side, the component parts of the State governments will in no instance be indebted for their appointment to the direct agency of the federal government, and very little, if at all, to the local influence of its members.
The number of individuals employed under the Constitution of the United States will be much smaller than the number employed under the particular States. There will consequently be less of personal influence on the side of the former than of the latter. The members of the legislative, executive, and judiciary departments of thirteen and more States, the justices of peace, officers of militia, ministerial officers of justice, with all the county, corporation, and town officers, for three millions and more of people, intermixed, and having particular acquaintance with every class and circle of people, must exceed, beyond all proportion, both in number and influence, those of every description who will be employed in the administration of the federal system. Compare the members of the three great departments of the thirteen States, excluding from the judiciary department the justices of peace, with the members of the corresponding departments of the single government of the Union; compare the militia officers of three millions of people with the military and marine officers of any establishment which is within the compass of probability, or, I may add, of possibility, and in this view alone, we may pronounce the advantage of the States to be decisive. If the federal government is to have collectors of revenue, the State governments will have theirs also. And as those of the former will be principally on the seacoast, and not very numerous, whilst those of the latter will be spread over the face of the country, and will be very numerous, the advantage in this view also lies on the same side. It is true, that the Confederacy is to possess, and may exercise, the power of collecting internal as well as external taxes throughout the States; but it is probable that this power will not be resorted to, except for supplemental purposes of revenue; that an option will then be given to the States to supply their quotas by previous collections of their own; and that the eventual collection, under the immediate authority of the Union, will generally be made by the officers, and according to the rules, appointed by the several States. Indeed it is extremely probable, that in other instances, particularly in the organization of the judicial power, the officers of the States will be clothed with the correspondent authority of the Union. Should it happen, however, that separate collectors of internal revenue should be appointed under the federal government, the influence of the whole number would not bear a comparison with that of the multitude of State officers in the opposite scale. Within every district to which a federal collector would be allotted, there would not be less than thirty or forty, or even more, officers of different descriptions, and many of them persons of character and weight, whose influence would lie on the side of the State.
The powers delegated by the proposed Constitution to the federal government, are few and defined. Those which are to remain in the State governments are numerous and indefinite. The former will be exercised principally on external objects, as war, peace, negotiation, and foreign commerce; with which last the power of taxation will, for the most part, be connected. The powers reserved to the several States will extend to all the objects which, in the ordinary course of affairs, concern the lives, liberties, and properties of the people, and the internal order, improvement, and prosperity of the State.
The operations of the federal government will be most extensive and important in times of war and danger; those of the State governments, in times of peace and security. As the former periods will probably bear a small proportion to the latter, the State governments will here enjoy another advantage over the federal government. The more adequate, indeed, the federal powers may be rendered to the national defense, the less frequent will be those scenes of danger which might favor their ascendancy over the governments of the particular States.
If the new Constitution be examined with accuracy and candor, it will be found that the change which it proposes consists much less in the addition of NEW POWERS to the Union, than in the invigoration of its ORIGINAL POWERS. The regulation of commerce, it is true, is a new power; but that seems to be an addition which few oppose, and from which no apprehensions are entertained. The powers relating to war and peace, armies and fleets, treaties and finance, with the other more considerable powers, are all vested in the existing Congress by the articles of Confederation. The proposed change does not enlarge these powers; it only substitutes a more effectual mode of administering them. The change relating to taxation may be regarded as the most important; and yet the present Congress have as complete authority to REQUIRE of the States indefinite supplies of money for the common defense and general welfare, as the future Congress will have to require them of individual citizens; and the latter will be no more bound than the States themselves have been, to pay the quotas respectively taxed on them. Had the States complied punctually with the articles of Confederation, or could their compliance have been enforced by as peaceable means as may be used with success towards single persons, our past experience is very far from countenancing an opinion, that the State governments would have lost their constitutional powers, and have gradually undergone an entire consolidation. To maintain that such an event would have ensued, would be to say at once, that the existence of the State governments is incompatible with any system whatever that accomplishes the essential purposes of the Union.
PUBLIUS
Jamestown Settlement - Jamestown Fort
Jamestown Settlement - (Photo credit: Battleofthehook)
Learn more about American History.  Visit Jamestown, Yorktown and Colonial Williamsburg Living Museums in Virginia.


Thursday, May 29, 2014

Inn at Warner Hall Named Among Best Bed and Breakfasts in Virginia


Inn at Warner Hall Named Among Best Bed and Breakfasts in Virginia (via PRWeb)
The historic Virginia country bed and breakfast was voted among the top B&Bs by readers of Virginia Living Magazine. The Inn at Warner Hall is located in Gloucester, Va. and is a bed and breakfast and special event venue. Gloucster, VA (PRWEB) May 19…





Our Notes:  A well deserved honor for this grand gem of Gloucester.  Several of us had the privilege of having lunch one day with one of the owners during the Battle of the Hook re enactment last year.  He was most gracious and generous.  We could not have been more surprised and pleased with every aspect of everyone and everything at the Inn at Warner Hall.  If you are seeking a way to take a step back in time, yet not give up all of the amenities and or luxuries of today's modern life and also want something romantic and off the beaten path while still close to the heart of everything, this truly is the answer to your dreams.  Try it once and you will be hooked for wanting to come back as often as you possibly can.  Visit their site now.  http://www.warnerhall.com.

Friday, March 21, 2014

Thomas Paine On Early American Freemasonry History, 1810

Thomas Paine; a painting by Auguste Millière (...
Thomas Paine; a painting by Auguste Millière (1880), after an engraving by William Sharp after a portrait by George Romney (1792) (Photo credit: Wikipedia)


Early American Freemasonry History, 1810 Thomas Paine from Chuck Thompson

Thomas Paine, best known for his works, "Common Sense", that helped spark the American Revolution was a Freemason as made very clear by the book above.  It has been said that Freemasons were behind the American Revolution in many ways and it would appear that this is the case.   The above book is only 32 pages in length and give an interesting inside view of what early American Freemasonry was like.  Free downloads are available on this book from our Slideshare site.  You have to be a member of Slideshare to get the free download but that does not mean that you have to upload any content.  We see a lot of people become members just to get free downloads of our books.  It only takes a few minutes to join.
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Thursday, February 20, 2014

Grace Barclay's Recollection of The American Revolution, eBook.

Battle of the Hook, 2013
Battle of the Hook, 2013 (Photo credit: Battleofthehook)


Grace Barclay's Recollection of The American Revolution from Chuck Thompson

In these times of great struggles when it seems as those who are charged with leading this great nation, are falling short, and producing by far less than ideal standards at every level for the American people, we see the rising of Babylon and the destruction of Rome or Greece.  There is nothing new under the sun.  Failure to know and understand history is in fact hurting everyone.  We see masses of people bashing Christians who are only trying to warn people based on God's word, not their own word.

  We see tremendous ignorance everywhere and it is due in large part to the complete and utter failure or destruction of our own educational system, or should we call it more aptly, indoctrination system.  We continue to digitally publish as many old history books as we can to try and fill a gap in the complete lack of understanding that so many suffer from.

  To at least bring some degree of sanity to you where insanity has now become the order of everyday.  The above book about the American Revolution is one created by someone who lived through the ordeal and gives a personal account of what those times were like.  It allows us to compare what our forefather lived through and take a step back and look at how and where we are now.  It may even, with a lot of prayer, inspire one of our leaders to lead down the correct path.  But I wouldn't hold my breath on that.

  If you want a copy of the book, we allow free downloads of this book from our Slideshare site.  
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Wednesday, January 15, 2014

Governor Terence R. McAuliffe Inaugural Address

English: The state seal of Virginia. Српски / ...
 (Photo credit: Wikipedia)
Inaugural Address
Governor Terence R. McAuliffe
January 11, 2014 – 12:30 PM
As Prepared for Delivery

Mr. Speaker,  Lt. Governor Northam, Attorney General Herring, Members of the  General Assembly,  Justices of the  Supreme Court,  guests from across our Commonwealth and nation, my fellow Virginians:  It is humbling, and the highest honor of my life, to stand before you today.
 
It is humbling because of the responsibility that you have given me, and because of the history and tradition of where we stand.
 
While makeshift, the Virginia State Capitol first came to Richmond in 1780 at the urging of Thomas Jefferson – during the height of the American Revolution.
 
Through the courage and sacrifice of so many who came before us, our Commonwealth survived the Revolution. Freedom was born. Tyranny was defeated. And a permanent Capitol was constructed here in Richmond.
 
This Capitol, where I stand today, reminds us not only of the durability of Virginia, but of what Virginia overcame.
 
While often too slowly – together we overcame the evils of slavery, Civil War, and segregation. 
 
Now, more than 200 years later, Virginia has grown stronger than ever.
 
Relative to the nation, we've emerged from the Great Recession with an economy more resilient than many of our sister states.
 
We are a stronger Commonwealth because our leaders have wisely invested in superior public schools for our children.
 
We are one of the best states to do business because we have worked together to minimize regulations and keep taxes low.
 
Our colleges and universities are models for the nation because there is bipartisan consensus in Richmond that higher education drives long-term, innovative growth.
 
And Virginia is the national model for fiscal discipline because our leaders– leaders like Governor Doug Wilder, decided long ago to put the common good ahead of short-term politics.
 
That's the Virginia way – it's a tradition that we should be proud of. 
 
But it is also a tradition that must be sustained through constant work by leaders who choose progress over ideology.
 
Common ground doesn't move towards us, we move towards it.
 
On behalf of all Virginians, I want to thank Governor Bob McDonnell for his leadership during the last four years.
 
Governor McDonnell has provided for the smoothest transition imaginable, and I am grateful to him for that. 
 
He and Lieutenant Governor Bolling will long be remembered for their leadership on transportation – not just for the policy accomplishment, but for the manner in which it was achieved.
 
It was an approach that built consensus worthy of the Virginia way.
 
It's the same approach taken by Governor Warner to save our triple A bond rating while investing in education, and by Governor Kaine who prudently guided our Commonwealth through the great recession.
 
But as we celebrate our past, the truth is that we still face serious economic headwinds over the course of the next four years.
 
And, like four years ago, the skeptics are predicting divided government driven to gridlock by partisanship.
 
Virginia, together, we will prove them wrong again.
 
As Virginians, the spirit of service is built into the fabric of our communities.
 
We were home to so many of the founders who sacrificed their lives to build a nation based on the principles of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.
 
And now today, Virginia is home to so many who serve to protect those everlasting rights. Join me in recognizing them and their families.
 
I remember growing up, hearing stories of sacrifice from my father who served in World War II.
These are the same stories that Virginians hear every night from parents and grandparents –
and from brothers and sisters returning home now.
We will honor their sacrifice by ensuring that they have access to the education, health care, and career opportunities they deserve. 
 
Our servicemen and women have the technical training our innovative industries demand, and they embody that strong sense of teamwork, leadership, and drive that make them valuable assets to our workforce. That is why we need to make it easier for them to get good jobs when they come back home.
 
Our 23 community colleges have and will continue to play a major part in this effort. They are our workforce development engines, and over the past year, I visited each and every one of them across the state.
 
They are preparing our students for the jobs available today and equipping them with the knowledge and skills for the emerging industries of tomorrow.
 
With a community college within 30 miles of every single Virginian, they are the key to attracting and keeping the industries of the future across the Commonwealth– from Arlington to Abingdon; Luray to Lunenburg. 
 
But, in order to do that, we must work to reduce unnecessary mandates and achieve adequate funding. 
 
We must also recognize that Virginians have placed great trust in us and expect transparency, and decision-making that avoids improper conflicts.  That is why I will sign an executive order later today imposing a strict limit on gifts on myself and the members of my administration.
 
I commend the members of the General Assembly from both parties who are making significant steps forward on this issue, and I will ask the entire General Assembly to enact the strongest possible new ethics rules to hold all Virginia elected officials to the highest of standards.
 
While there is a fierce debate on health care in Washington DC,  the choice we face here in Virginia is simpler.
 
Like the majority of other states –– we need to act on the consensus of the business community and health care industry to accept funding that will expand health care coverage, save rural hospitals, and spur job creation. 
 
With a stronger health care system in Virginia as our objective, I will work with the legislature to build on the Medicaid reforms that the General Assembly has already achieved, and to put Virginians' own tax dollars to work keeping families healthy and creating jobs here in the Commonwealth.
 
Finally, the greatest policy challenge we face is diversifying Virginia's economy in the face of inevitable federal spending cuts and heightened competition from abroad.
 
Mr. Speaker and members of the General Assembly, as we begin this term together, know that my top priority will be to lay the groundwork for a diverse and growing economy in every region of the Commonwealth.
 
And I know it is your top priority as well.
 
Diversifying Virginia's economy can seem abstract – especially when the true benefits may be felt years down the road.
 
But over the past four years I've traveled to every corner of the Commonwealth, and met hard working Virginians who are struggling to provide for their families, unable to access the quality education and training they need to get good-paying jobs, or even worried about just providing healthy meals for their children.
 
When you think about those Virginians, you realize that the decisions we make over the next four years will determine:
 
Whether parents who worked hard their entire life will have the savings to retire with some security.
 
Whether the brave men and women who return home from serving abroad can find work or start their own businesses.
 
Whether children who grow up in rural Virginia can live, work and thrive in the communities where they were born.
 
And it will determine whether another kid from a middle class family can find enough customers for his driveway maintenance business to help pay for college.
 
As the legislature and my administration work to diversify our economy, we need to remember that our sense of urgency is driven by those Virginians who struggle each and every day to get by – and whose dream is simply to give their children the opportunities that they may never have had. 
 
My administration will work tirelessly to ensure that those opportunities are equal for all of Virginia's children –
No matter if you're a girl or a boy,
No matter what part of the Commonwealth you live in,
No matter your race or religion,
And no matter whom you love.
 
There is still work to do to.
 
We must work to ensure that the children of new immigrants to Virginia have equal educational opportunities. 
 
To ensure that someone can’t lose a job simply because they are gay.
 
And to ensure that every woman has the right to make her own personal health care decisions.
 
An open and welcoming state is critical in a 21st Century economy.  But, it is also an imperative for justice and fairness – values I learned from Jack and Millie McAuliffe. 
 
While we grew up in a middle class family, my brothers and I were always reminded of the struggles of those less fortunate – and our obligation to do something about it.
 
It's that same message that has guided Dorothy and me as we've raised our five children in Fairfax County over the last 21 years.  And as our children have grown, they've constantly impressed us with their dedication to service and improving the lives of others.
 
It's also those values that shaped me as a person and drove my decision to run for Governor.
 
In four years, we will all gather again here at Jefferson's capitol to welcome the next Governor of the Commonwealth.
 
When she or he takes the oath of office, I am confident that they will begin to lead a Commonwealth with broader economic opportunity and growing 21st Century industries. 
 
They will lead a Commonwealth that has expanded our advantages in pre K-12 education, workforce development and higher education.
 
They will lead a Commonwealth that has maintained a reputation for strong fiscal management.
 
They will lead a Commonwealth that strives to keep all of its families healthy. 
 
They will lead a Commonwealth that never stands still on the road to greater equality for all our people.
 
And they will lead a Commonwealth that has delivered those results in a manner worthy of the Virginia way.
 
The impediments to consensus are well known: ideology, personal political ambition, partisanship or score-settling. Identifying the roadblocks is not a challenge.
 
What is hard is having the humility to admit that each of us has allowed these impediments to influence our decisions.
 
And even more challenging is having the foresight to put them aside for the greater good.
 
As I said on election night, the test of my commitment to finding common ground in Virginia will not be a speech at an inauguration; it will be my actions in office. And I expect those who did not support me in November to hold me to my word.
 
No one who has served as an elected official has looked back and wished they had been more rigid, more ideological or more partisan. 
 
And long after giving up elected office –describing himself as quote “near the end of my voyage” - Thomas Jefferson wrote from Monticello, “A government held together by the bands of reason only, requires much compromise of opinion."
 
Mr. Speaker, Delegates and Senators, these next four years will be our moment to again show Americans what can be accomplished by mainstream leaders, and to show Virginians that we will live up to their expectation of consensus-driven progress.
 
In Washington today, that talk of consensus can seem quaint, illusory or even naïve.
 
But in Virginia, political progress in divided government is a tradition that we must continue.
 
I will work to live up to that tradition.
 
Now, I begin serving with humility to the accomplishments of my predecessors and gratitude to the people of Virginia.
 
Thank you and may God bless the Commonwealth of Virginia.
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Friday, November 29, 2013

Battle of the Hook, 2013 Now Over 1,800 Images Up Online

























We now have over 1,800 images up online from the 2013 Battle of the Hook event.  That means we have finally managed to put a dent in our overall collection of images we shot at this event.  Our team was at the event for 3 days starting on Friday evening and didn't finish up until late Sunday afternoon.  We still do not have a final count on how many images we shot.  We had numerous cameras all over and the team was spread out everywhere.

  We have one of the most unique image sets out there as we shot in everything from straight on traditional pictures to panoramic views in various sizes.  Our team was not only at the battlefields we were also in the camps, up close and personal.  What we can say is that we are not even close to half way done with all of the images we have.  To date we have put the majority of finished images from the collection up on Flickr.  We have also shared the images through Facebook, Pinterest, Tumblr and Twitter and we just put up over 700 images on Google+ .

  Not to take anything away from other media outlets, we have seen some truly spectacular images coming from a number of places.  The Daily Press put up a tiny series that has some wonderful photos in it.

http://www.flickr.com/photos/minimeredith/  Minimeridith is the name of this particular collection, by Meridith of Moonlightcourt.com website.  She has a really nice collection of images taken at the battle of the Hook that are well worth your time to check out.

https://www.facebook.com/BattleOfTheHook  A number of great photos and further information about the Battle of the Hook and it's history is well documented on this Facebook page.

http://www.revolutionarywarphotoarchives.org/BattleOfTheHook/  Another great place to check out photos.  These however are from the 2008 event but still worth the time to check out.

We will keep everyone up to date as we continue to put out more images.  It's going to take us several months to finish everything.  We still have not even finished our collection from Friday evening of the event.  Our initial count was around 5,000 images, however, we now know that it is closer to 8,000 images total at this point.

http://www.flickr.com/photos/94782749@N03/sets/72157636857805346/  This set on Flickr has 1,575 images to it.  Some are duplicates.  We try not to do this, but with all the images we are working with, it's hard not to.

http://www.flickr.com/photos/94782749@N03/sets/72157637144975774/  294 images starting with Friday evening showing set up for the event as well as the battlefield before troops hit it on Saturday.
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